This amalgamation of perceived threats led influential U.S. diplomat George Kennan to suggest in February 1950 that the United States should support repressive methods to meet the challenge. The U.S. military appropriated large areas of the country for the construction of bases, military exercises, and the operations of the Contras. According to Stephen Rabe: The United States undermined constitutional systems, overthrew popularly elected governments, rigged elections, and supplied, trained, coddled, and excused barbarians who tortured, kidnapped, murdered, and “disappeared” Latin Americans…. Prosecutors presented a month of chilling testimony from survivors of army massacres carried out 30 years earlier during one of the bloodiest periods of Guatemala’s long civil war. Following the meeting, he stated publicly that Ríos Montt was “a man of great personal integrity and commitment” whose country “is confronting a brutal challenge from guerrillas armed and supported by others outside Guatemala.”  In a media question-and-answer session, Reagan said that he believed Ríos Montt was “totally dedicated to democracy in Guatemala…. essay). Administration officials grafted onto the Contras what many believed to be the global mission of the United States – to promote freedom and democracy. “The fact that we were arming and financing the wars in El Salvador and Nicaragua was very, very disturbing to me,” said Bonior in an interview. Van Gosse, who served as a CISPES student outreach coordinator, pointed out that “anyone looking for the words ‘capitalist,’ ‘socialist’ or ‘imperialist’ in its direct-mail appeals, its newspaper, The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) investigated CISPES as a potential illegal foreign agent and supporter of international terrorism. In March 1981, Amnesty International submitted testimony to a Congressional committee, stating, “Repression at the hands of the government security forces and paramilitary groups has continued to escalate in recent months,” and that in the last year, “some 8,000 Salvadorans are estimated to have died as a result of political violence; government forces have been reportedly implicated in at least 6,000 of these deaths.”. Inscribed in the Monument to the Memory and the Truth are the names of 30,000 known victims of the Salvadoran civil war, out of a total of 75,000 killed. The Great Depression of the 1930s ended the coffee boom and highlighted the problems of El Salvador’s monocrop economy and lack of development. Guatemala’s history, like that of El Salvador, is marked by authoritarian military regimes, a small landholding elite, and repression of the majority. Ortega added, “We understand your concerns about El Salvador and we will not risk our revolution for an uncertain victory in El Salvador.”[116], Sergio Ramírez, noted Nicaraguan writer and Junta member (elected vice-president in 1984), perceived the situation differently. The hardliners in the Reagan administration joined the hardliners in the Salvadoran military and the political right, led by D’Aubuisson, in seeking victory not peace. [4] However, the United States opposed the Nicaraguan revolution due to their communists sympathies and support from Castro's Cuba, and backed an anti-left wing Counter-revolutionary rebellion against the Sandinista government. The exclusion of economic rights from the conceptual framework of “human rights” discussed by U.S. policymakers hindered their understanding of the struggles for reform in Latin America. A young girl with a pet parrot, Chalatenango, El Salvador, Feb. 1984 (Mike Goldwater). The entourage met with activists, opinion makers, politicians, and Hollywood celebrities. [99] Booth, Wade, and Walker, Understanding Central America (2014), 124-26, 180. Allen Dulles, the director of the CIA, and brother of John Foster Dulles, had served on UFCO’s Board of Trustees and owned shares in the company. By destroying all other alternatives, the Contras were made to seem the only alternative.”, In January 1983, the foreign ministers of Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia and Panama launched a regional peace initiative known as Contadora, named for the island off Panama where the diplomats met. of N. Carolina Press, 1998), 39. They were the main “war” strategy. Most supporters argue that US aid established democracy, prevented the leftist rebels from overthrowing the Salvadoran government, professionalized the military, and curbed human rights abuses.”  D’Haeseleer disagrees with this portrayal, arguing that “US intervention in El Salvador prolonged the war, devastated the country, and contributed to distortions in the country’s socioeconomic landscape.”  The idea that the U.S. professionalized the military and curbed human rights abuses amounts to wishful thinking and a denial of responsibility for the immense death toll reaped by U.S-backed security forces. On May 10, 2013, in Guatemala City, a three-judge trial court convicted Ríos Montt of crimes against humanity and genocide for ordering the murder of more than 1,700 indigenous Ixil Mayans. The nine-year Contra War left nearly 31,000 Nicaraguans dead, more than 2,000 civilians maimed, and some 350,000 people internally displaced out of a population of 3.5 million. [154] Booth, Wade, and Walker, Understanding Central America (2006), 79. Only a few days after the massacre, President Reagan certified to Congress that the Salvadoran government was making progress in “internationally recognized human rights.”  Congress as a whole went along with the charade. Ambassador Lawrence Pezzullo, right, and FSLN Defense Minister Tomás Borge in 1979 (New York Times). On March 2, 1981, the Reagan administration announced that it was sending $25 million in additional military assistance to the Salvadoran government along with four more training teams. [179], Ben Linder was well-known for his clown acts (photo by Bryan Moore). “Above all,” writes LeoGrande, “the documents did not support the White Paper’s central thesis – that a massive external interference by the Communist bloc had transformed the Salvadoran conflict from a civil war to a case of indirect external aggression.”[61]  Although the White Paper failed to convince, the administration nonetheless operated on the assumption that the Salvadoran revolution was a product of Soviet and Cuban expansionism, presumably justifying a militant U.S. response. He had served as head of the Department of Studies at the Inter-American Defense College in Washington during the mid-1970s and developed close ties with the U.S. intelligence and counterinsurgency experts. The National Guard was abolished and replaced by the National Civilian Police; UN observers would ensure fair and free elections; the FMLN agreed to demobilize its troops and registered as a government political party, and perhaps most important for the nation in the healing process, the Commission on the Truth for El Salvador was established in July 1992. T, he Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) was founded in 1961, inspired by socialist idealism, the Cuban Revolution, and the anti-imperialist example of Augusto Sandino, who led a rebellion against U.S. occupation from 1927 to 1933 (see. [164] Central America Resource Center, Directory of Central America Organizations, Third Edition, 1987 (Austin, TX: Central America Resource Center, 1986), Introduction. sfn error: no target: CITEREFMarcus1985 (, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, Foreign interventions by the United States, United States involvement in regime change in Latin America, Betancur, Figueredo Planchart & Buergenthal 1993, "The Root Causes of the Central American Crisis", "Honduras in the Central American Conflict: Trends and Recent Developments", Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives, 1947–1948 Civil War in Mandatory Palestine, North Yemen-South Yemen Border conflict of 1972, Struggle against political abuse of psychiatry in the Soviet Union, Sovereignty of Puerto Rico during the Cold War, Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War, List of Eastern Bloc agents in the United States, American espionage in the Soviet Union and Russian Federation, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Central_American_crisis&oldid=988500777, Wikipedia articles needing factual verification from March 2018, Articles with specifically marked weasel-worded phrases from November 2012, Articles containing potentially dated statements from 2020, All articles containing potentially dated statements, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License, This page was last edited on 13 November 2020, at 15:49. Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sánchez played a key role in pressuring all sides to compromise. And then they would say, “You’re massacring innocent people.”  But they weren’t innocent. [159] “Joanne Omang and David Hoffman, “Reagan Sends Dole to Seek Pope’s Advice on Central America, Washington Post, April 6, 1985, A16; Shirley Christian, “Reagan Aides See No Possibility of an Accord with Sandinistas,” New York Times, Aug. 18. The 21 American states together face the challenge of Communist political aggression against the hemisphere.”. Going into the Central American Crisis, Honduras's economy was framed by stagnating agricultural production, de-industrialization, deteriorating terms of trade, the continuing problems of the Central American common market, the decline of international financial reserves, salary decline, and increasing unemployment and underemployment. In May 1950, President Harry Truman signed National Security Council (NSC) 56/2, authorizing military aid to Latin American governments for the ostensible purpose of combating “communism.”  In 1951, Congress authorized $38 million in direct military assistance; and in 1952, $90 million. Some peasants were also kidnapped by the Contras and forced to serve, fearing retribution against their families.[123]. [77] Robert Pear, “U.S. With the treasury left bankrupt by the Somoza government, the FSLN appealed for international assistance and encouraged Sandinismo at home, a spirit of cooperation and volunteerism in rebuilding the country. [151] Poll results are tabulated in Richard Sobel, ed., Public Opinion in U.S. Foreign Policy (Lantham, MD:  Rowman and Littlefield, 1993), 22-28, 59-70. [28] See James N. Green, We Cannot Remain Silent: Opposition to the Brazilian Military Dictatorship in the United States (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010). In 2011, Ríos Montt was placed under house arrest while awaiting trial. . In return, the Iranians were to use their leverage over Hezbollah in Lebanon which had taken hostages in retaliation for the U.S. arming of Israel during the 1982 Operation Peace for Galilee and Marine occupation. But in truth, the president of Guatemala was redistributing unused land from a US-based multinational corporation, United Fruit Company, to the people of his country. The administration suspended further distribution of the $75 million aid package to Nicaragua pending an investigation. On October 1, Assistant Secretary for Latin America Jack Kubisch reported to his State Department colleagues that legislators on Capitol Hill were asking him questions about massive atrocities by the new military regime in Chile, and that Newsweek magazine had reported 2,700 bodies piled up in the central morgue in Santiago. From March to August 1980, the FSLN government coordinated a highly successful literacy campaign that involved over 100,000 volunteers who taught some 400,000 people to read and write. 85, No. On September 1, 1986, Charles Liteky, George Mizo, Brian Willson, and Duncan Murphy, began a fast to protest $100 million in Contra aid approved by Congress in June and scheduled for release on October 24. “The massacre at Las Hojas grew out of a dispute over land and water rights between the members of the Indian farming cooperative and landowners in the region,” according to human rights analyst Cynthia Brown. In early 1989, U.S. officials expressed confidence that government forces would soon win, reporting that the rebels had lost between 15 and 19 percent of their forces. Some officials, such as Thomas Enders, Assistant Secretary of State for Latin American Affairs, were cognizant that a political solution was ultimately needed in El Salvador. UNO won 54.7% of the national vote and gained 51 seats in the National Assembly, as compared to the FSLN with 40.8% of the vote and 38 seats. When it was clear that Duarte would win the 1972 presidential election, the military overthrew the election and installed Colonel Arturo Armando Molina as president. [83] Peter H. Smith, Talons of the Eagle: Latin America, The United States, and the World (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 149; and Douglas W. Trefzger, “Guatemala’s 1952 Agrarian Reform Law: Critical Reassessment,” International Social Science Review, Spring-Summer, March 22, 2002, http://www.ditext.com/trefzger/agrarian.html. Chamorro had been a fervent advocate of democracy and the most likely candidate to succeed Somoza. The Nicaraguan Embassy in Washington worked with activist groups to set up speaking engagements in different cities. [29] Smith, Talons of the Eagle (1996), 157-58. [56], Funeral procession for Archbishop Romero outside the Metropolitan Cathedral in San Salvador, March 26, 1980 (AP photo, Valente Cotera). Clearly you had to kill Indians because they were collaborating with the subversion. Notwithstanding U.S. propaganda, the Sandinista government developed an electoral system modeled on European multiparty systems and held national elections on November 4, 1984. In 1987, Salvadoran and U.S. officials estimated that more than 400,000 refugees had fled to the United States since 1982. By the late 1980s, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras all implemented reforms such as privatizing state companies, liberalizing trade, weakening labor laws, and increasing consumption taxes in attempts to stabilize their economies. Regarding the four guardsmen convicted of murdering the American churchwomen, in 1998, while serving 30-year sentences, they divulged that they acted only after receiving “orders from above.”  See Larry Rohter, “4 Salvadorans Say They Killed U.S. Nuns on Orders of Military,” New York Times, April 3, 1998. [212] The Iran-Contra scandal may be compared to the Watergate scandal fourteen years earlier. [67] Brown, With Friends Like These, 122-23, 125. The modern Central American refugee crisis is a result of years of intervention by multinational corporations and the U.S. institutions that supported them. [182], When President Reagan visited Ireland on June 3, 1984, he was met with a protest march of some 3,000 to 5,000 people and given a lecture on diplomacy by Prime Minister Garret FitzGerald. Leaders in Guatemala and Nicaragua however, staunchly resisted US … [132] Edgar Chamorro, “Letter to the Editor,” New York Times, Jan. 9, 1986, A22. What exactly did the U.S. gain by attempting to expunge the left from Central America? The Reagan administration aided and abetted the Guatemalan government’s genocidal campaign while denying that it was taking place. Reform stirred the air in the mid-1970s. “The drive to wage this war has led the administration to bypass our system of checks and balances, to ignore the Constitution of the United States, and to subvert the law of the land,” he told his colleagues. According to a Defense Intelligence Report, “In the 100 day period from 14 March to 21 June, at least 106 insurgent incidents occurred within Nicaragua.”. The Kennedy administration initiated new counterinsurgency courses at the School of the Americas, located in the Panama Canal Zone (established in 1946), notwithstanding the fact that the U.S. had coordinated two major insurgencies in the last ten years (Guatemala and Cuba). The press began to get wind of the Contra War in early 1982. crisis in central america regional dynamics and us policy in the 1980s pacca books Sep 28, 2020 Posted By Rex Stout Library TEXT ID 282d8c45 Online PDF Ebook Epub Library buy crisis in central america regional dynamics and us policy in the 1980s pacca books 1 by nora hamilton isbn 9780813374321 from amazons book store everyday low Guatemala’s land reform program set off the Eisenhower administration, in part because of its close ties with the UFCO. In August 1953, he approved a covert plan to overthrow the constitutional government. “But I think we should understand our policy, that however unpleasant they act, the government is better for us than Allende was.”[30], President Jimmy Carter prepares to sign the American Convention on Human Rights at the Pan American Building in Washington, DC, on June 1, 1977 (AP), President Jimmy Carter embraced the rhetoric of human rights but was hesitant to cut off aid to important allies. With the advent of the Cold War in 1947, the Truman administration came to view reformist governments in Latin America as potential allies of the Soviet Union and thus a threat to the United States. 76, 82, http://www.corteidh.or.cr/docs/casos/articulos/seriec_252_ing1.pdf. The number rose to 150 killed in 1988. Reagan met with Ríos Montt in Honduras on December 4, 1982. Sister city projects had a number of desirable attributes for activists:  they were locally organized, facilitated travel and interpersonal relationships, provided tangible benefits to the Nicaraguan people, and served to educate U.S. citizens. World War II. [53] Ibid., 45; and Thomas Carothers, In the Name of Democracy: United States Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 266, note 7. In a memo dated August 13, 1983, regarding “allegations of a Contra massacre,” the ambassador informed the State Department that Nicaraguan newspapers were full of photographs and eyewitness accounts of a recent Contra ambush of a bus carrying eighteen civilians near the town of Jinotega two days earlier. Thomas Mann, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, made it clear that the U.S. would support any government that allied with U.S. political and business interests, no matter how dictatorial or repressive (the Mann doctrine). Administration officials repeatedly denounced the Sandinista government as totalitarianism, in conformity with Cold War ideology, and also accused the government of terrorism and drug running. International Court of Justice official seal. President Dwight D. Eisenhower went further in the direction suggested by Kennan. Congress shut down the U.S. Public Safety Program in 1974, as the program had become identified with brutal interrogation techniques rather than the professionalization of security forces. The Sandinista leadership did not expect a counter-revolutionary war at the outset, despite the fact that some 3,000 former National Guardsmen had fled to nearby countries in the last days of the revolution. of Massachusetts at Amherst, 2003), 428-31. The proximity of Central America to the U.S. allowed for extensive transnational connections in the form of study tours, sister city partnerships, humanitarian aid, peace witnesses, and various solidarity activities. U.S. officials nonetheless proclaimed “democracy promotion” as a key U.S. foreign policy goal. The 1980s were an era defined by conservative politics, the rise of computer technology and the end of the Cold War, as well as 1980s fashion and music. Juan José Arévalo was elected president on a reform platform that included labor rights and the protection of indigenous Mayan communities. [43] Lt. Col. Oliver North, “U.S. crisis in central america regional dynamics and us policy in the 1980s pacca books Oct 06, 2020 Posted By Patricia Cornwell Media TEXT ID f82ff71b Online PDF Ebook Epub Library crisis and the weakness of us crisis in central america regional dynamics and us policy in the 1980s pacca books sep 02 2020 posted by karl may media publishing text id A succession of military governments effectively ruled El Salvador until 1979. The Reagan administration undertook a dual approach to El Salvador. Discovering Central America in the 1970s and 1980s Even to many who paid attention to the rest of Latin America, Central America was terra incognita into the 1970s. [187] Norma Stoltz Chinchilla, Nora Hamilton, and James Loucky, “The Sanctuary Movement and Central American Activism in Los Angeles,” Latin American Perspectives, Vol. The S/LPD was forced to shut down in late 1987 after an investigation by the General Accounting Office concluded that it had engaged “in prohibited, covert propaganda activities designed to influence the media and the public to support the Administration’s Latin American policies.”. The U.S. ambassador to El Salvador, Deane Hinton, denied that a massacre had taken place, blamed the guerrillas for putting civilians in harm’s way, and was photographed giving a big hug to Lt. Col. Domingo Monterrosa of the Atlacatl Battalion. In addition, the U.S. arranged for international loans to the Salvadoran government amounting to $280 million between July 1981 and September 1984. Rumors swirled for a time before nine-page cover story in, The administration went beyond the law in propagating its views. Rep. Bonior was often chosen to present the Democratic Party’s response to Reagan’s addresses on Central America. [7] Harry Van Cleve, Comptroller General of the U.S. General Accounting Office, non-classified letter to Rep. Jack Brooks and Rep. Dante B. Fascell, Sept. 30, 1987, National Security Archive, Iran-Contra collection, IC04287. [97] Dennis J. Bernstein, “Seeking Justice for Guatemalan Slaughter” (interview with Allan Nairn), Consortium News, January 27, 2016, https://consortiumnews.com/2016/01/27/seeking-justice-for-guatemalan-slaughter; and “Reagan and Guatemala’s Death Files,” Consortium News, Nov. 3, 2011, http://consortiumnews.com/2011/11/03/reagan-and-guatemalas-death-files. But it also taught people something about their own government, because in the face of these compelling stories we were told that our government said they had no right to be here.”  Nepstad estimates that 70,000 North Americans and 2,000 to 3,000 Central Americans actively participated in assisting refugees. 1954 to 1972, some 7,886 Latin American leaders promoting peace negotiations in earnest Montt ’ s Files!, more than 400,000 refugees had fled to the Editor, ” New York Times, Nov.,! Must embrace democracy were all for show aggression against the organization the transportation coffee! Campesinos and other political enemies in increasing numbers won by wearing down the U.S. backed overthrow of reactionary. Activities revive memories of the truth Commission report central american crisis 1980s killing or disappearance of 800 victims per month a. American missionaries in Nicaragua. [ 123 ] fill the gap held back on land reform set. 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