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The World Peace Council’s record of achievements was no better. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. The first of these books—Christopher Darnton’s Rivalries and Alliance Politics in Cold War Latin America—focuses less on examining the Cold War than on using the Cold War context of inter-American relations to unravel an intriguing foreign policy question: Why do rivalries between states persist in the face of a common threat, and under what conditions do such rivalries end to yield more cooperative relations? In March 1982, Assistant Secretary of State Thomas Enders flew to Chile “‘to see if there was any possibility of getting the regime to be a little light on the human rights abuses.’” He told Pinochet that “no movement [on aid] was possible” without Chile doing more “to prosecute those implicated in the Letelier case” (41). $35.99 paper. By 1983, Pinochet’s continued repression, coupled with Chile’s own economic recession, debt crisis, and IMF-required austerity measures, sparked calls for his resignation and had catalyzed growing opposition to the government—from leftists and communists but also from significant numbers of middle-class and some upper-class Chileans. These include interviews with former presidents Jimmy Carter and Fidel Castro, and with intermediaries who ferried messages between Havana and Washington. âThe works of engaged authors came out in enormous prints [in Czech, Polish or Russian], much higher than the ones in their mother languages, and all of this happened behind the Iron Curtain,â he said. In Czechoslovakia, communism ended in the fall of 1989, and in the successor states of Slovakia and the Czech Republic, the socialist past is usually regarded as a dark period of human rights violations, travel restrictions, and forced obedience to Moscow. The WPC held that peace corresponded to the interests of the Soviet Union, whose system and expanding communist offspring were contested and threatened by Western, capitalist imperialism led by the United States; by contrast, the CCF held that totalitarian systems marked the death of liberty, freedom of thought, and organic cultural expression. YOU MIGHT ALSO LIKE... 6.05 Cold War. By William M. LeoGrande and Peter Kornbluh. whydo5. On the one hand, like other Latin American states, Mexico faced US pressure to isolate Cuba diplomatically and confront the Castro government; yet bowing to this pressure would contradict its long diplomatic tradition of respecting states’ internal affairs. Such dynamics generated a “cold war” inside Mexico itself between the government and the Left. The Congo Crisis was a period of social, political, and military upheaval in the newly formed Republic of the Congo-Léopoldville (present day Democratic Republic of the Congo, formerly Zaire). Reagan and Pinochet provides a thorough reference for anyone interested in US-Chilean relations under Reagan, even though both its title and cover (side-by-side photographs of Reagan and Pinochet) are somewhat misleading. By contrast, during the same period (1959 to 1961) and despite having similar incentives to put their rivalries away and confront their common insurgency threat, El Salvador and Honduras failed to do so, as did Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Perhaps most surprising is the number of times the Castro government sought dialogue and expressed interest in discussing “everything” relevant to US–Cuban relations. By Patrick Iber. Zourek, who authored the 2018 book âÄeskoslovensko oÄima latinskoamerických intelektuálů 1947-1959â (âCzechoslovakia in the eyes of Latin American intellectuals from 1947 to 1959â³, which was also published in Spanish), explains what motivated those intellectuals to accept such invitations: There were a series of authoritarian regimes in Latin America that massively repressed human rights, alleging the need to suppress leftist subversive forces. Mexico’s Cold War: Cuba, the United States, and the Legacy of the Mexican Revolution. It has began to change a bit in the past years, and I think this is thanks to the gradual reassessment of the communist period by Czech society. There are many mentions of the high quality of theater plays, school infrastructures and public libraries, and the high level of people’s education. Several also lend credence to Tanya Harmer’s concept of an “Inter-American Cold War” that was distinct from the global contest between Moscow and Washington—a struggle to shape Latin America’s future that pitted various regional governments and the United States against forces for change they deemed unacceptable.3 One finds clear echoes of this sentiment in the books by Iber and Keller, and to some extent in the work of Morley and McGillion, too. Latin America, which has many ties to the U.S., both geographically and politically, could pose a very strategic threat to the U.S. in its battle against communism. Some policy officials did not share this view; nor did powerful lawmakers in Congress. Drawing on a vast array of primary and secondary sources from Latin American countries and the United States, Iber analyzes how leftist cultural icons, artists, and intellectuals struggled to advance their vision of a more just society with the aid of institutions created and funded by the Cold War’s major protagonists. However, the CCF’s US sponsors and its Latin American affiliates were not always on the same page. The United States feared specifically a domino effect, that the communism ⦠Revisiting the Cold War in Latin America. Pp. Readers will also learn that even the Reagan administration (a staunch Cuba foe) still held secret talks with Havana to facilitate bilateral cooperation on policy issues like Central America, immigration, and wars of liberation in Africa, and that in signing the 1996 Helms-Burton Act mainly for domestic political purposes, President Bill Clinton shifted control over the US economic embargo to Congress, which sharply restricted his successors’ ability to normalize US–Cuban relations completely via unilateral executive authority. Such benefits include enhanced stature for these agencies within the state, greater autonomy and policy influence, and of course, budgetary resources. Mexico’s response to these external and internal pressures aimed to defend the government’s domestic legitimacy while quieting US concerns. The books reviewed here neither replicate nor supplant this traditional narrative. Guatemala. $103.00 cloth. By comparison, the more prosperous El Salvador and Costa Rica felt less compelled to accept this policy trade-off. ... flvs 6.03 us history The Cold war at home. Their analysis benefits from extensive archival and field research, the declassification of documents in the United States and other countries, and sometimes rigorous theorizing. In the 1960s there was a rise of authoritarian and dictatorial regimes in Latin America, until the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989 the Cold War continued in Latin America at the cost of fundamental freedoms. Moreover, the book thoroughly debunks the romanticized idea that Mexico’s refusal to follow the US foreign policy lead was based solely on deeply held principles of nonintervention and respect for other states’ sovereignty. One comes away from reading it with a deeper understanding of Latin America’s intellectual history during this period and the constraints the Cold War placed on intellectuals whose clashing visions of achieving social justice through leftist politics remained at odds. To understand Latin Americaâs communist history is to understand how much influence and intervention the U.S. had in the region during the Cold War. While Pinochet largely controlled Chile’s domestic and foreign policies, the picture of Reagan that comes through is of a president almost completely disengaged from the specifics of US policy toward Chile, and even unfamiliar with its political history, for example, the identity of its former president Eduardo Frei (37). Some traveled alone, others as part of larger delegations. The US attempt to stop the spread of communism began with the Cold War, the ideological models of conceiving economy, state behavior and social order was a threat for each side, as they were extremely different and opposed; as one conceive capitalism, democracy and freedom, and the other conceive extreme intervention of State in the economy, and communism as social order and State behavior. Prague thus became a cultural leftist hub from the 1950s onwards, gathering both burgeoning and established leftists writers such as Turkey’s Nazım Hikmet and the Soviet Union’s Ilya Ehrenburg. This well-researched, insightful volume shines a bright light on how Mexico navigated the mid to late decades of the Cold War (roughly 1959 through the mid-1980s). 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